Hong Kong and China’s influence: Much ado about nothing?

It seems an unlikely question, is Hong Kong falling to the weight of The People’s Republic of China? Hong Kong has always been (and still is) seen as a cosmopolitan city of democracy, human rights and capitalist glory. Hong Kong boasts an ICAC model strived for worldwide, but is that changing? Of course things are bound to change as The Peoples Republic increase their influence over the Cantonese and expat dominated region, but are we failing to see how quickly and threatening these changes are taking place?

In day-to-day life Hong Kong lives up to its reputation and is a world away from the fabric of Mainland China, yet things are changing and not in terms of a growing nationalism between PRC and HKSAR, but in the tightening grasp of the PRC over Hong Kong’s political structure.

One of the most transparent signs of these changes is the continual blur of HKSAR and Mainland legislation. Of course, when executing a ‘one country, two systems’ policy politics are bound to be complex. However this year’s flood of Mainland Chinese to protest for democratic rights resulted in the forced removal of two mainland demonstrators to government labour camps. Such new radical action has unleashed an uneasy disturbance through international human rights lobbyists. The growing number of mainland Chinese travelling to Hong Kong to protest demonstrates an increasing confidence in Chinese demonstrators since the Jasmine Movement. Also evident since the Beijing Olympics is the discomfort shown by Beijing at Mainland Chinese protesting their land rights back home in the streets of Hong Kong. Radio Free Asia have reported that banners in demonstrations have frequently read ‘We are from Mainland China’ a brave manipulation of Hong Kong’s two systems’ basic law. Yet as demonstrated by the exodus of the two mainland protesters, Beijing is not breathing easy in light of calls for democratic and human rights reforms.

The international community and NGOs have been quick to raise concerns over the rapid growth of illegitimate Mainland influence in HKSAR. China is once again flaunting its potential resilience to the financial crisis sweeping the world. Businessmen, entrepreneurs and stakeholders in society’s higher echelons are beginning to lean towards Beijing; taking with them many of Hong Kong’s strong holds in democracy. The U.S for example has raised concerns over ‘corporate voting’, where company executives vote on behalf of the functional constituency. It is no surprise that a business professional is likely to vote in favour of their interests in Mainland China, bringing Beijing’s power even closer. It is not only at lower legislative structures that holes are beginning to show, media in Hong Kong is coming under significant fire. Self-censorship, owing to the fact that many newspapers and news reporters are run by businesses in the mainland, has become riff, with Freedom House now deeming Hong Kong media as only ‘partly free’. HKJA Journalists have also complained that ‘off-the-record’ politics is becoming more frequent, with senior government official’s meetings being withheld from press.

Albeit appearing insignificant, it is Chinese interference of Hong Kong’s human rights that has raised the most serious of concerns in recent years:

• The presence of military tanks on Hong Kong’s streets this year, just before their July 1st civil right demonstrations amounts to intimidation that the PRC has not used in Hong Kong before.  It is equally shocking that the international reaction quietened without much contemplation.
• Freedom of Assembly has also been affected beyond the 1st of July demonstrations, Patriotic Democratic Movement’s protest outside the Central Government’s office in support of human rights activist Liu Xiaobo resulted in injudicious arrests.
• There has been government interference with other events such as the International Day Against Homophobia and Transphobia. 228 arrests were made in last year’s pro-democracy demonstration, including the attempted arrest of Director of Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor Law Yuk Kai.When the army- and thus the police force is as strong a force as it is in the PRC, the blending, and strategic growth of these forces into HK’s own civilian force is without a doubt going to affect day-to-day democracy.
• In a Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights conference last year both Amnesty International HK and Kerry Kennedy raised concerns about human rights education in schools. They were given a reply by the head of education that underlined the rock and the hard place; everything must abide to PRC guidelines and interests.

The combination of this, coupled with a military police force that under current law can use arrests merely for intimidation, exposes a troubling possibility for HKSAR citizens.

The problem at hand is not that the PRC has influence in Hong Kong affairs; to disagree would be a step back in international politics. What is my concern is the type of changes the PRC is implementing and that their nature being slow, small transitions will allow their impact on HKSAR human rights to be ignored. If Hong Kong is to remain the free and democratic place we see it to be now it is vital that the international community doesn’t close its ears to the fears raised by HKSAR citizens.