November 8, 2012

Rwanda-DR Congo Rebel Support Conflict: The Heart of the Matter

In his book “Politics”, Aristotle argued that man is a political animal, whose motive for action and reaction is ruled by need for wealth, safety and liberty. Aristotle goes on to argue that any state is like a united community, and is concerned about not only its internal wellbeing and safety, but also safety from the outer circle of its surroundings. In fact, he says that a state is in a better position to preserve itself if it is able to safeguard its members in and outside the inner circle, for external aggression is of more danger than “the war within”.

The UN Security Council, through its team of experts, has allegedly authored a report that tags Rwanda “a rebel recruiter, supporter and political operator”. The report has made many people wonder about the truth in this claim.

Three questions could be asked here. One, why would Rwanda and Uganda be involved in DR Congo rebel-political activities? Two, what is the likely face of the truth? Three, what is the interest of the international community in the conflict?

To begin with question one, it is widely known that Rwanda has a historical interest in DRC since the first Congo war (1996) and second war (1998-July 2003, whose spill-offs could be blamed for todays conflicts. Notable is that at the heart of the conflict is the Hutu-Tutsi tribal question. Rwanda is still concerned that the Hutu militias haboured and accommodated in DR Congo since the 1994 genocide could be mobilsing to invade Kigali anytime.

In fact, Rwandans were always either in or/and part of DRC Army under President Kabila, until a 14 July 1998 fall out and subsequent dismissal of James Kabarebe, then Chief of Staff. This move could have been responsible for pouring a “drop of blood into the cup of milk” in the two countries’ relationship, looking at the current tensions. Important to note is that General James Kabarebe is the current Defence Minister of Rwanda.

For this reason, Rwanda cannot afford to deny the fact that it is a self-employed, self sponsored security guard in DR Congo. Rwanda has a security interest to protect, in and outside Rwanda, particularly in DRC. For this reason, Rwanda has a history of arming ethnically Tutsi elements in DRC since the Mobutu era. Uganda is a historical ally and identical twin brother, a partner in crime with Rwanda since the first Great Africa war.

Particularly, attention could be given to the patronage and training base given by Uganda to the Rwanda Patriotic Forces since under the late Fred Rwigema and now under Paul Kagame. Almost all the Rwanda Military top brass has a link either of birth or training in Uganda, and Uganda, particularly President Museveni, is seen as a defender of Rwanda since the defeat and removal of the government in the end of 1994. For this reason, the twin accusations should not come as a surprise.

But what can the international community offer and where is this likely to end?

The intervention of the international community should be focused on reconciliation, rather than the current approach of divide and rule. The region is already wounded, and it seems the direction being taken by the UN Security Council and the International Community is only stabbing a hot knife into the wound. There are growing concerns that some international community elements are fighting the war of trade and only want to use the conflict to take away DRC’s gold. If these claims are true, it is another day’s discussion.

To end today’s discussion, we can say that Rwanda wants the DRC to monitor and possibly stamp out the suspected activities of the Hutu rebels (FDLR) operating from its territory and has offered “to send troops to help”. The Kinshasa government is always suspicious of Kigali’s influence over the region and its forces seem unable to deal with the FDLR. Consequently, Rwanda supports the continuing rebellion of General Nkunda and M23. Final resolution will only happen when Rwanda feels its border is no longer threatened by Hutu rebels, and can stop supporting Nkunda.

Image: James Akena/Reuters



About the Author

Ivan Atuyambe
Atuyambe is an Independent Governance and Public Administration Advisor, with focus on anti corruption best practices and development policy innovations-including aid transparency, effectiveness and value for money. He is currently working towards completion of Master in Governance and Public Policy (Germany), Master in Anti Corruption Studies (Austria) and is enrolled for the Master in International Relations and Security Studies (University of Westminster-London, UK). He holds a Bachelor of Public Administration and Management (Hons) and has done additional Professional Studies in Anti Corruption, Governance and Development Management. ​ He has handled a number governance expert support tasks, including a current assignment with the United Nations: Social and Economic Council's Alliance of Civilisations. He has previously handled work for Transparency International - Uganda, UK, and Kenya and Global Integrity’s Governance Africa Governance Integrity Indicators (2012). ​ He is the Founder and Overseeing Team Leader, the Africa Challenge Foundation (www.africachallengefoundation.org), a Ugandan Good Governance and Development Policy think tank organization with focus on anti-corruption strategies and public service integrity innovations.




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